Showing posts with label FARA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label FARA. Show all posts

Thursday, July 16, 2020

North Carolina Approves Corporate Reparations Through Gerrymandering Public Private Partnerships - But Will There Be FARA Registrations?

Finding The Red Card: The Performance Of Three-Card Monte | Jack ...
"See, it is a spade.'
Presenting paperwork as an U.S. black owned
 nonprofit while the foreign corporate mother
intently watches over her human chattel.
Black Lives Matter, because it is how
you maximize revenues.
Yes, you heard me, correctly.

North Carolina has approved reparations.

https://beverlytran.blogspot.com/search?q=reparations

Yippers.

Reparations for foreign corporations, that is!

Well, by golly, I must say, this particular slavific mission is the darnedest human asset forfeiture models I have seen yet.

Nope, I did not see this one coming.

Actually, I probably did because Saskia Thompson, of the Detroit Land Bank Authority, is form North Carolina and probably assisted in the construction of the test pilot model to see if it will fly in Detroit, with the endorsement of all our favorite afrocentristic drum beaters like the NAACP, NAN, and, let me not fail to mention the Congressional Black Caucus and all their financial stakeholders on their servers, to cover up what the did to my Sweetie.

No one wants to say his name.

So, money is going to be doled out to an authority, oh, let us just transpose this working model to Detroit for sake of a few jollies, and say the Detroit Land Bank Authority, who will not just assign a predictive modeling qualitative variable assignment label of one of the four humors, but theses pseudo-scientific determinations will be done, under the powers of a Public Private Partnership through an non-profit, the authority set up all by themselves, like those fake ass LLCs used to file quiet titles and take out fake mortgages.

Slavery was never abolished, just ask North Carolina.

Children are attached to the land as chattel, where, when they grow up, that land is still reconveyance powers of adverse possession.

So, if a foreign entity financially contributes to this 40 acre and a mule concept, must they register under FARA or will they have legally seized the land of the savages, filed a land patent, and leveraged it through a UCC lien as collateral in some other foreign state national treasury?

I find it absolutely fascinating that not one individual has whispered the name of my Sweetie.

I bet they are going to erect a statute to him in support of reparations, in a futile attempt to cover up all the gerrymandering activities to take over the United States, one city, one state at a time, because it all started in Detroit.

https://beverlytran.blogspot.com/search?q=gerrymandering

I wonder how these nonprofits are going to be designated as "black"?

Will the determination process include foreign, corporate parents?

Boy, I will love to see what crafty schemes they will come up with to the doling out of this promotion of homeownership.

I wonder if they will be transposing the Michigan Black Caucus model for homeownership?

#maytheheavensfall

North Carolina City Approves Reparations for Black Residents

The measure passed by the City Council of Asheville, N.C., would provide funding to promote homeownership and business opportunities, but stopped short of stipulating direct payments.

As Americans debate how far the country should go to make amends for slavery and other racial injustices, a conversation reawakened by the killing of George Floyd, a city in North Carolina has taken the first step: It approved reparations for Black residents.

The city, Asheville, N.C., will provide funding to programs geared toward increasing homeownership and business and career opportunities for Black residents as part of a reparations initiative.

The measure was unanimously approved by the Asheville City Council on Tuesday night, but it stopped short of stipulating direct payments, which are usually associated with reparations. City leaders said their goal was to help create generational wealth for Black people, who have been hurt by income, educational and health care disparities.

The city, which is in Western North Carolina and has about 93,000 residents, also apologized for its participation in and sanctioning of slavery, as well as other historical injustices perpetrated against Black people, who make up about 12 percent of the city’s population.

Councilman Keith Young, who is one of two Black members on the Council, was one of the measure’s chief proponents. He said during the group’s meeting that systemic change was long overdue.

“Hundreds of years of Black blood spilled that basically fills the cup that we drink from today,” Mr. Young said.

The momentum for reparations was not limited to Asheville.

In Providence, R.I., the mayor signed an executive order on Wednesday to commence a “truth telling and reparations process,” The Providence Journal reported. In California, a bill creating a task force to develop reparation proposals for African-Americans was passed in the Assembly in June and was being considered by the Senate.

But some said the reparations initiative by city leaders in Asheville did not go far enough. And others panned it outright.

William A. Darity Jr., a professor of public policy at Duke University in Durham, N.C., wrote in an email on Wednesday night that he was “deeply skeptical about local or piecemeal actions to address various forms of racial inequality being labeled ‘reparations.’”

For reparations to be effective, he wrote, they would have to close the pretax racial wealth disparity in the United States, which would cost about $10 to $12 trillion — three to four times more than total state and municipal spending.

“So piecemeal reparations taken singly or collectively at those levels of government cannot meet the debt for American racial injustice,” he wrote.

As part of the resolution passed by the Council, city leaders in Asheville called on the state of North Carolina and the federal government to provide funding for reparations.

Councilwoman Sheneika Smith, who is also Black, said during the Council’s meeting that she had heard from residents who challenged the reparations measure.

“A lot of the feedback that we’ve gotten so far by email is that you know, ‘Why should we pay for what happened during slavery?’” Ms. Smith said. “And my pushback against that is reparations is more than restitution for what happened during the trans-Atlantic slave trade. It is a dark evil sin of chattel slavery that is the root of all injustice and inequity that is at work in American life today.”

The developments in Asheville came after nationwide protests against police brutality and systemic racism, which were catalyzed by Mr. Floyd’s killing in late May. A Minneapolis police officer kept his knee on Mr. Floyd’s neck for more than eight minutes in an episode that was captured on video by bystanders. The officer and three other officers involved were fired and charged in Mr. Floyd’s murder.

Amid the demonstrations, Confederate statues have been toppled by protesters or taken down by local governments, and lawmakers on all levels have introduced police reforms.

There has also been a renewed push by some members of Congress to create a commission to study the impact of slavery and to make recommendations for reparations.

Several times in American history, people have been compensated for historical injustices, from Japanese-Americans who were interned during World War II to victims of police brutality in Chicago.

“It’s simply not enough to remove statutes,” Mr. Young said during the Council’s meeting. “Black people in this country are dealing with issues that are systemic in nature.”

Some said that the action by the Asheville City Council could set a precedent.

“I just hope that we will be, just maybe, a little spark that will really get this conversation not only going in Asheville but in North Carolina and across the country,” Councilwoman Gwen Wisler, who is also the city’s vice mayor, said before the group’s vote.

Voting is beautiful, be beautiful ~ vote.©

Saturday, June 20, 2020

DOJ Busts Veterans Administration Child Welfare Fraud, More NIH Tiny Human Lab Rat Experiments - Will Black Lives Matter Protest?

My first question would be to ask why South Korea and Vietnam veterans have so many children with Spina Bifida?

Tiny human lab rat experiments, perhaps?

Health Care for Certain Children of Vietnam Veterans and Certain Korea Veterans--Covered Birth Defects and Spina Bifida. Final Rule

Trends of congenital anomalies in Europe during 1999–2008 showed abdominal wall, gastroschisis, hypospadias, trisomy 18 and renal dysplasia significantly increased, and that neural tube defect (NTD), anophthalmos/microphthalmos, severe congenital heart defects (CHDs) and limb reduction significantly decreased, and suggested decreases in neural tube defects were due to improved periconceptional folic acid supplementation [8]. Another study reported that the prevalence of NTD was lower in countries providing folic acid [9]. In Glasgow (UK) most anomalies declined from 1980 to 1997, whereas chromosomal anomalies showed an increase trend [10]. Cleft lip with or without cleft palate was found to show no significant change in US, but to follow a declining trend globally [11]. The prevalence of CHD has increased considerably over time worldwide, and recently it was reported Asia has the highest prevalence of CHDs [12]. In Korea, cryptorchidism increased from 5.01 to 17.43 per 10,000 births and hypospadia also increased from 1.40 to 3.28 per 10,000 births between 2000 and 2005 [13]. In addition, a Korean study based on medical insurance claims data for 2009–2010 showed a 14-fold increase in hypospadias and epispadias, a 12-fold increase in atrial septal defects, a 11-fold increase in undescended testis as compared with 1993–1994 [14] https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5981962/
Medicaid fraud in child welfare because the South Korean research was funded by the National Institute of Health and its Vatican tiny human lab rat network.

T'is but a drop in the bucket.
https://www.nabsw.org/

I wonder if the Black Lives Matter Movement is going to come to Joseph Prince's defense, and to the defense of the network of the National Association of Black Social Workers, who were trained to promulgate and transpose this trafficking tiny humans child welfare fraud model, better know as the residuals of the peculiar institution?

Probably not, because Black Lives Matter is a cover for trafficking tiny humans, because slavery was never abolished, and that is how people afford new outfits for their fashion show selfies when they do the cake walk of opulence, every Sunday at the church-ez.

Just ask Debbie Williams.

You do know there are going to be found lots of tiny human trust funds, which will more than likely be foreign entities, where individuals like Joseph Prince did not file under FARA as a registered foreign agent, but, hey, what do I know?

I know I learned about all this in Detroit, where it all started.


#maytheheavensfall 

VA Employee Found Guilty Of Corruption Charges And Defrauding VA Of Nearly $19 Million In A Year

DENVER – United States Attorney Jason R. Dunn announced that yesterday a jury sitting in U.S. District Court in Denver found former Veterans Affairs (VA) employee Joseph Prince, age 60, of Aurora, Colorado guilty of felony health care fraud, conspiracy, payment of illegal kickbacks and gratuities, money laundering charges and conflict of interest.  The verdict is the result of an eight-day jury trial before U.S. District Court Judge Raymond P. Moore.  Prince’s bond was continued and he was ordered to home incarceration pending his sentencing.
According to the indictment and evidence presented at trial, Prince was a Beneficiary Provider Relationships Specialist with the VA’s Spina Bifida (SB) Health Care Benefits Program, which covers medical needs of children of certain veterans of the Korea and Vietnam wars suffering from SB.  Prince worked for a VA call center in Denver, and spoke with health care providers and SB beneficiaries or their families regarding their health care needs and care reimbursement. 
Prince defrauded the VA’s Spina Bifida Health Care Benefits Program by signing up the family members of the program’s beneficiaries as home health “contractors” with sham home health entities run by Prince’s associates.  Prince knew that the sham home health entities were not authorized providers by the VA.  He nonetheless encouraged the family members to submit bills despite the fact that they were not approved providers and to include the bills for services that either were not provided or were not allowed by the VA.  He then accepted payments from the associated home health entities for referrals he himself made to those agencies.  Prince’s referrals led to payments totaling approximately $20 million from the VA to the Prince-related home health agencies, which were run by associates including his wife, his brother-in-law, his half-sister, and friends.
Ultimately Prince referred approximately 45 SB beneficiaries to the sham home health entities.   The total amount of fraudulent claims paid by the SB Health Care Benefits Program to the five Home Health Entities totaled approximately $19 million.   Of that amount, Prince received approximately $1.5 million in kickbacks from two home health entities between December 2017 and June 2018.
“To steal from a program that is intended to help our veterans and their children who suffer from serious medical conditions is reprehensible,” said U.S. Attorney Jason Dunn.  “Mr. Prince was also harming the American taxpayers and will now pay a significant price for his actions.”
“The crimes perpetrated by Joseph Prince and his associates were especially troubling since Prince was a VA official,” said Gregg Hirstein, Special Agent in Charge, VA Office of Inspector General.  “The Department of Veterans Affairs Office of Inspector General is committed to holding accountable those who illegally enrich themselves using VA programs intended to help our nation’s veterans and their dependents, who deserve to be served by a workforce of the highest integrity.  I am thankful for the close coordination of the investigative agencies and the United States Attorney’s Office to quickly end this massive fraud.”
“The sizeable amount of false claims Joseph Prince submitted and subsequent kickbacks he received are an affront to government programs intended to help the public,” said Andy Tsui, IRS Criminal Investigation Special Agent in Charge, Denver Field Office. “It is unacceptable to abuse a position of trust for personal financial gain and for those that do, IRS-Criminal Investigation will seek justice on behalf of the true beneficiaries of government benefits programs.”
“The recent conviction of Joseph Prince is significant and highlights the FBI’s collaboration with the United States Attorney’s Office as we hold this defendant accountable for abusing his position as an official at the Department of Veteran’s Affairs to manipulate government contracts for personal gain,” said FBI Denver Special Agent in Charge Dean Phillips. “The FBI will continue to use all available tools to detect illegal conflicts of interest and bribery schemes in government entities.”
Long-time friend of Prince and co-conspirator Roland Vaughn pled guilty to paying an illegal gratuity to a public official on August 1, 2019, and is scheduled to be sentenced by Judge Moore on April 9, 2020.  Glenn and Catherine Beach, who were also friends of Mr. Prince, pleaded guilty to paying an illegal gratuity to Prince. The Beaches will be sentenced on April 1, 2020. 
Prince will be sentenced on June 11, 2020.  Felony Conflict of Interest carries a penalty of not more than five years in prison and a fine of not more than $250,000 or two times the gain or loss from the offense per count.  Health care fraud carries a penalty of not more than 10 years in prison and a fine of not more than $250,000 or two times the gain or loss from the offense per count.  Conspiracy to Commit an Offense against the United States carries a penalty of not more than five years in prison and a fine of not more than $250,000 or two times the gain or loss from the offense.  Soliciting/Receiving an Illegal Gratuity carries a penalty of not more than two years in prison and a fine of not more than $250,000 or two times the gain or loss from the offense per count.  Unlawful Monetary Transactions carries a penalty of not more than 10 years in prison and a fine the greater of $250,000 or two times the value of the property involved in the transaction per count.  Money Laundering carries a penalty of not more than 20 years in prison and a fine the greater of $500,000 or twice the value of property involved in the transaction per count.
The government will seek forfeiture of specific assets and restitution to the Veterans Health Administration in the amount of approximately $19 million.
This case was investigated by VA’s Office of the Inspector General, the FBI, and IRS-CI. 
This case is being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Anna K. Edgar and Hetal J. Doshi.

Voting is beautiful, be beautiful ~ vote.©

Tuesday, May 5, 2020

SENATE: Hearing On The DNI Appointment Of John Ratclife

The appointment of John Ratcliffe.

He was asked if he discussed loyalty with Trump.

I bet he did and was too dumb to know he did.

Hot mess.

#maytheheavensfall






Voting is beautiful, be beautiful ~ vote.©

Thursday, April 30, 2020

Tales Of The New Crown: World Bank Wants National Treasuries Direct Cash Transfer To UNICEF For More Stealin' The Children's Trusts - The Public Private Partnership Corporate Parental Rights Model Rollout

Image may contain: sky, skyscraper and outdoor
United Nations termination of parental rights to keep and bear
arms - no more flags.
Much love to the #Superfans who quickly found a working model!

They are tripping on their Social Impact Programs. 

Listen to this crap. 

Stealin! 

Their tiny humans trust funds are drying up. 

They want TARP 6.0.

Where are Mike Flynn and Bijan Kian with their tiny humans FARA legal debacle the attorneys failed to address?

Dude is rolling out cooties talking points for more stealin'.

LISTEN!


We want cash, now! 

These are your foreign Public Private Partnerships making US domestic policies.

They want cash transfer schemes where they control all the national treasuries.

They want to expand the social safety net to the information sector to access multiple databases.

The pakistanis will be administering everything.

Human asset management transfers.

Listen.

Corporate Parental Rights.

They are rolling out!

This is modern day human trafficking.

They based it on child welfare models, the residuals of the peculiar institution.

Chattel law.

This is my psychobabies crap.

Someone needs to get him some hummus and matzah.

He is talking about dismantling governments letting NGO delivery systems for cash transfer to...... drumroll please....UNICEF.

Trust Funds Tales of Child Welfare Fraud: Shirley Temple, Jackie Coogan, Hillary Clinton & UNICEF

Conditions of cash transfer to the poor must have conditions like the children must be in school and be vaccinated.

They are going to launch child welfare propaganda campaigns to condition the population in poverty in changing behaviours.

#maytheheavensfall

Voting is beautiful, be beautiful ~ vote.©

Thursday, February 6, 2020

JUDICIARY: Citizens United Hearing - No One Wants To Talk About The Children's Trust Funds, Parental Rights Of Foreign Corporations Or FARA

So, Judiciary has a hearing on corporation PACs where they had Ted Deutch, of Ethics and Pramila Jayapal testify as witness experts on dark money, without calling out foreign corporations running Medicaid fraud into political campaign like Bob MAXIMUS GOODLATTECUS, former Judiciary Chairman did with TEVA, under Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

No one even mentioned how MAXIMUS GOODLATTECUS tried to pull a fast one and introduce legislation to gut the Ethics Committee that was investigating this matter, that Ted Deutch did not even mention.

This was about corporate parental rights, which seems to be a concept foreign to Judiciary, because no one wants to talk about the children's trust funds.

Perkins Coie's SEC Money Laundering Trust Fund Emolument Fraud Scheme

Yes, we all know the FEC does not have a quorum, but no one wants to talk about the U.S. Treasury having superseding powers of authority over political campaign finance.

One reason is because Perkins Coie Sucks, which basically runs the FEC, where Marc Elias is MIA when it comes to those pesky congressional subpoenas no one is enforcing.

This was a hot mess of a hearing!

#perkinscoiesucks


Voting is beautiful, be beautiful ~ vote.©

Thursday, January 9, 2020

How Is The Catholic Church Hiding More Than $2 Billion In Assets?

St. Alphonsus School, Dearborn
"Wanna buy a Detroit Catholic Church property?"
Q: How is the Catholic Church hiding more than $2 billion in assets?

A:  The Detroit Land Bank Authority - The Archdiocese of Detroit transposable model.

It is way more than $2 billion because they run game in mortgage fraud through Corporate Shape Shifting.

Detroit Archdiocese transfers assets; critics say it's a shell game

Here is the Michigan law:

ROMAN CATHOLIC BISHOPS
Act 207 of 1867
AN ACT to authorize the Roman Catholic archbishop of Detroit, Michigan, and the Roman Catholic bishops of Michigan, and their successors in office, and certain other persons, to hold property for the use of benefit of the church; to authorize the borrowing of money; to authorize the execution of contracts and agreements, and the administration of property held by them; and to authorize the exercise of any and all powers relating to the temporalities of the church.
History: 1867, Act 207, Eff. June 27, 1867;Am. 1937, Act 270, Imd. Eff. July 22, 1937;Am. 1954, Act 1, Imd. Eff. Feb. 4, 1954.
The People of the State of Michigan enact:
458.1 Conveyances to Roman Catholic archbishop, bishops, and administrators in trust for religious, educational, or charitable purposes.
Sec. 1. All gifts, grants, deeds, wills and other conveyances, wherein or whereby any lands, tenements or other property within this state have been given, beqeathed, devised or granted, or in any manner conveyed by any person or persons whatever, unto any person or persons, by the name, style or title of Roman Catholic or Catholic bishop of the diocese of Bardstown, Kentucky, and his successors, or to the Roman Catholic bishop
or Catholic bishop of Cincinnati, Ohio, and his successors in office, or to the Roman Catholic or Catholic archbishop of Detroit, or to the Roman Catholic or Catholic bishop of Detroit, or administrator of Detroit, an his successors, or to the Roman Catholic or Catholic bishop of Sault Ste. Marie, or administrator of Sault Ste. Marie, and his successors, or to the Roman Catholic or Catholic bishop of Marquette, or administrator of Marquette, and his successors, or to the Roman Catholic bishop or Catholic bishop of the diocese of Grand Rapids, or administrator of Grand Rapids, and his successors in office, or to any person in his own name as Roman Catholic bishop of the diocese of Grand Rapids, his heirs and assigns, or to the Roman Catholic bishop or Catholic bishop of the diocese of Lansing, or administrator of Lansing, and his successors, or to the Roman Catholic bishop or Catholic bishop of the diocese of Saginaw, or administrator of Saginaw, and his successors, or to the Roman Catholic bishop or Catholic bishop of the diocese of Kalamazoo, or administrator of Kalamazoo, and his successors, or to the Roman Catholic bishop or Catholic bishop of the diocese of
Gaylord, or administrator of Gaylord, and his successors, or to any other person or persons, upon the trust expressed or implied, to take, hold and receive the same for the use and benefit of any religious congregation of Roman Catholics, or for the support, aid and maintenance of any hospital, almshouse, school, seminary, church, parsonage, or for the burial grounds, or other religious, educational or charitable purposes, within this
state; and all such gifts, grants, deeds, wills, devises and bequests and other conveyances which may hereafter be made, shall be sufficient and effectual in law to vest the legal title of, in and to said lands and tenements or other property, in such grantee, donee or devisee, in the present archbishop of the diocese of Detroit, or administrator, and in the present bishops or administrators of the Roman Catholic dioceses within the state of
Michigan, in their respective dioceses, and in the persons who after them may become Roman Catholic archbishop of the diocese of Detroit, and Roman Catholic bishops of said dioceses, and in the successors of said Roman Catholic archbishop and Roman Catholic bishops forever, in trust, for the uses and purposes for
which the said property is or may be hereafter acquired, granted, bequeathed, or devised, and in no other person or persons whatever: Provided, That it shall be necessary in relation to all gifts, grants, deeds, wills and other conveyances heretofore made as aforesaid, that the person or persons to whom the same were made,
or to such persons as they may have conveyed to, if living, shall release their estate or interests therein to the said Roman Catholic archbishop of the diocese of Detroit, and to the said Roman Catholic bishops in the state of Michigan within their respective dioceses: And provided further, That nothing in this act shall be taken or construed to give or grant to the said Roman Catholic archbishop and Roman Catholic bishops, or
administrators of the said dioceses of the state of Michigan, or their successors, the right to hold real estate in trust for any society except for charitable, religious, educational and literary purposes, or for burial grounds,
as provided for by this act.
History: 1867, Act 207, Eff. June 27, 1867;CL 1871, 3124;How. 4727;CL 1897, 8310;CL 1915, 10909;Am. 1927, Act
149, Eff. Sept. 5, 1927;CL 1929, 10845;Am. 1937, Act 270, Imd. Eff. July 22, 1937;Am. 1938, Ex. Sess., Act 4, Imd. Eff. Sept. 8,
1938;CL 1948, 458.1;Am. 1954, Act 1, Imd. Eff. Feb. 4, 1954;Am. 1971, Act 136, Imd. Eff. Sept. 29, 1971.
458.2 Roman Catholic archbishop, bishops or administrators; powers in administering
property.
Sec. 2. The archbishop of the Roman Catholic archdiocese of Detroit and the several bishops of the Roman Catholic dioceses within the state of Michigan and their successors in office, and administrators of the Roman Catholic dioceses within the state of Michigan, for the purpose of administering the property held by them
respectively under this act and in respect thereto, are declared to have and to have had power:
(a) To enter into any and all lawful contracts in respect of the property held by them;
(b) To sue and be sued, complain and defend, in any court, or to be a party to any proceedings before any board, tribunal, commission, or any other public body;
(c) For the purposes of the Roman Catholic church to acquire, purchase, hold, convey, lease, mortgage, and in every way deal in real and personal property of all kinds without limitation; the power to hold real and personal estate shall include the power to take the same by gift, devise or bequest, and upon trusts, either express or implied;
(d) For the purposes of the Roman Catholic church to borrow money and to give promissory notes therefor, and to secure the payment thereof by mortgage or other lien upon real or personal property; to issue, sell or pledge bonds, notes, bills of exchange, debentures and other obligations and evidences of church indebtedness; and to guarantee, purchase, hold, sell, assign or otherwise dispose of the stock, bonds, or
securities of corporations;
(e) To appoint agents and attorneys in fact;
(f) To exercise without limitation of the foregoing, any and all powers relating to the temporalities of the Roman Catholic church vested in such archbishop or bishop or administrator by virtue of his office.
History: Add. 1941, Act 105, Imd. Eff. May 20, 1941;CL 1948, 458.2;Am. 1954, Act 1, Imd. Eff. Feb. 4, 1954
And, here is the archive site of the Archdiocese of Detroit real estate for sale or lease.

https://web.archive.org/web/20190504152218/https://www.aod.org/Our-Archdiocese/Real-Estate/Property-for-Sale-or-Lease/

And, here are the legal filings of Wilmington Trust, on behalf of the Archdiocese, as a creditor of the City of Detroit fake ass Bankruptcy.

And, here is Mooney Real Estate Holdings, LLC, of the Archdiocese of Detroit.

And, here is the real estate agency, CBRE Detroit and its global team.

See, $105.5 billion in global assets is way more than $2 billion in assets.

And, now, you have a more intuitive understanding of why the Celestial Goddess of the Woodshed is an economic, political & social pariah.

Catholic Church Shields $2 Billion in Assets to Limit Abuse Payouts

Dioceses are aggressively moving and reclassifying holdings to shrink the value of their bankruptcy estates.

 Ownership of these churches in the Archdiocese of Santa Fe was transferred to the parishes. As a result, the churches are excluded from the bankruptcy estate available to clergy abuse victims.

For most of the 20th century, the Catholic Church in the U.S. minimized the damage wrought by pedophile priests by covering up the abuse. When the bishop of the Davenport, Iowa, diocese was told in the mid-1950s that one of his priests was sexually abusing boys at a local YMCA, he kept it secret. “It is consoling to know that no general notoriety has arisen, and I pray none may result,” he wrote to a priest, capturing the strategy of the era.

Cover-ups worked when victims and their families could be intimidated or shamed into silence. But in the 1980s and ’90s, victims started filing civil lawsuits against the dioceses where the alleged incidents took place. Church leaders across the country kept these suits quiet by settling out of court and demanding nondisclosure agreements in return. Church leaders paid out about $750 million from the early ’80s through 2002, according to BishopAccountability.org, a nonprofit that tracks clergy sex abuse.


The veil of secrecy on these transactions was pierced when the Boston Globe published its investigations into church sex abuse in 2002, sparking public outrage at how clergy had protected their own. From 1950 to 2002, 4,392 priests were accused of abuse, according to a study by John Jay College of Criminal Justice.

The pace of lawsuits escalated as public awareness grew, and besieged church leaders looked to a new option: bankruptcy. When a church district that’s been sued files for Chapter 11 and then reaches a bankruptcy settlement, a percentage of its assets are divvied up by victims. Like Fortune 500 executives—and more recently the Sacklers, the family that owns OxyContin maker Purdue Pharma LP—church leaders see bankruptcy as an attractive solution because it provides a controlled process for settling a large number of lawsuits while holding on to as many assets as possible.

Another benefit is secrecy. Lawsuits and trials lead to testimony and publicity. Bankruptcy ensures a quieter mass settlement that forces an end to existing lawsuits and blocks new ones. “It provides a clean slate,” says Robert Kugler, a lawyer who represented abuse victims in the St. Paul and Minneapolis archdiocese. Dioceses have gone this route more than 20 times since 2004, when the Archdiocese of Portland, Ore., declared itself insolvent.

relates to Catholic Church Shields $2 Billion in Assets to Limit Abuse Payouts
A statue at Our Lady of Guadalupe in Santa Fe.PHOTOGRAPHER: WILLIAM LEGOULLON FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
More dioceses are filing for bankruptcy now that rules are changing about how much time a victim has to sue over abuse. Seven states and the District of Columbia passed laws in 2019 that suspend the statute of limitations on civil sex abuse suits, and at least three other states are considering them. Known as “window statutes,” they’ve become popular in the wake of the #MeToo movement and public outcry over abuse by men in power. Until recently, only a half-dozen states had them. Window statutes caused churches to declare bankruptcy in San Diego, Wilmington, Del., and cities throughout Minnesota.

After New York state’s law went into effect in August, almost 430 sex abuse victims immediately filed lawsuits, most of them against dioceses. The diocese of Rochester declared bankruptcy in September; bishops in Brooklyn and Buffalo announced that theirs may soon follow.

In many cases, churches precede bankruptcy by transferring and reclassifying assets. The effect is to shrink the pot of money available to clergy abuse victims. That and Chapter 11’s universal settle­ments and protections from further claims have been an effective one-two punch for limiting payouts. A Bloomberg Businessweek review of court filings by lawyers for churches and victims in the past 15 years shows that the U.S. Catholic Church has shielded more than $2 billion in assets from abuse victims in bankruptcies using these methods. “The survivors should have gotten that money, and they didn’t,” says Terry McKiernan, president of BishopAccountability.org. “The Catholic Church has behaved like a business. It hasn’t behaved like a religion that lives by the rules it espouses.”

relates to Catholic Church Shields $2 Billion in Assets to Limit Abuse Payouts
Ownership of the San Jose cemetery in Albuquerque was transferred to a trust.PHOTOGRAPHER: WILLIAM LEGOULLON FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
The unfolding of one diocese’s bankruptcy provides a road map for what may come as more go this route. The Chapter 11 filing of the archdiocese in Santa Fe shows how easy and routine it is to rejigger a balance sheet.

The archdiocese was facing a few dozen clergy abuse suits when it filed in December 2018, saying it was too poor to defend itself. The number rose to about 375 by the June 2019 deadline that the bankruptcy court had set for victims to file claims. New Mexico doesn’t have a window statute.

In court papers, the archdiocese reported owning $49 million in real estate, cash, and investments. That figure included its Albuquerque headquarters, corporate and municipal bonds, a half-dozen cars and pickup trucks, and an unspecified amount of gold and silver. By contrast, the church’s 1951 incorporation papers put its estimated value at $40 million, or $396 million in today’s dollars.


To arrive at that $49 million figure, church leaders said at least $178 million in cash and property associated with the archdiocese was owned by parishes or held in a trust or foundation and thus wasn’t eligible for inclusion in the estate. Lawyers for victims, saying there’s no real separation between the archdiocese and its parishes, argue that the $178 million should be included in the available funds. That would raise the value of the estate to as much as $227 million.

The church in Santa Fe began reorganizing in 2012. In November of that year, the business managers for the 90 or so parishes across northern New Mexico gathered in Albuquerque to be addressed by Tony Salgado, chief financial officer for the archdiocese. Salgado had called the meeting to explain to the managers how to incorporate their parishes separate from the archdiocese. “We got step-by-step instructions,” says Christine Romero, then the business manager for St. Anne parish in Santa Fe. The legal change would let the archdiocese assert that each parish was a distinct organization that owned its own property. Around the same time, records show, church leaders created the Archdiocese of Santa Fe Real Estate Corp. and began transferring hundreds of properties into it.

Romero says that when she raised her hand and asked how the separate incorporations would affect the parishes, Salgado said the move wouldn’t change day-to-day operations. “It’s just to protect us from the pedophile lawsuits,” he said, according to Romero. Salgado declined to comment.

Incorporating parishes separately allowed the archdiocese to take about $91 million off its books. The first $34 million came from moving 120 properties in Santa Fe, Taos, and other areas into a trust it says it holds on behalf of its parishes. The properties include churches, cemeteries, and a building with a cafe and a yoga studio. (The real value of the properties is likely much higher: The archdiocese assigned a value of zero for many of them, and for others it used the assessed value the local authorities assign for tax purposes instead of the appraised value, or what the property could be expected to command in a sale.) Another $57 million worth of property owned by the parishes, including cemeteries in Santa Fe and a mobile home in Taos where a priest lives, is held in a separate trust.

relates to Catholic Church Shields $2 Billion in Assets to Limit Abuse Payouts
A Santa Fe church property housing a yoga studio and other businesses.PHOTOGRAPHER: WILLIAM LEGOULLON FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
James Stang, lead lawyer for the alleged clergy abuse victims in the bankruptcy, wrote in a June court filing that the incorporations and transfers were made with the intent to “hinder, delay, or defraud” the claimants. J. Ford Elsaesser, an archdiocese lawyer, disputes accusations that the archdiocese shuffled assets to keep money from claimants. The relationship between the church and its parishes is like that between an adult child and an elderly parent who can no longer handle his affairs, he says: “The property is yours in name, but it’s not your money.” He says that bankruptcy is the best venue for settling large numbers of abuse claims in part because it makes for a fairer distribution of finite church assets, with all victims sharing the money in an orderly way instead of it being quickly scooped up by victims who file claims first.

Church officials also put close to $37 million in cash and investments into a Wells Fargo account that it says it controls but doesn’t own. Yet another pot of funds sits in the Catholic Foundation, which accepts donations to the archdiocese. The foundation has almost $50 million and dispersed about $1.8 million in 2019 to Catholic causes, including the training of new priests and the retirement of older ones. Church lawyers say the foundation is not part of the bankruptcy estate.


But victims’ lawyers say the foundation is listed as a “subordinate organization” of the archdiocese with the Internal Revenue Service, a designation it needs to be exempt from federal taxes, and its holdings should be included in the estate. “Let’s be very clear what this foundation is,” Stang said at an August hearing. “It’s the fundraising arm of the archdiocese.”

Incorporation documents for four parishes Businessweek reviewed show that the archdiocese has kept tight control. Salgado is listed as the point of contact for the parishes, and half of the board of directors for some parishes are listed as archdiocese staff. The articles of incorporation for each parish, which lay out corporate and tax information, can’t be changed without the arch­bishop’s approval.

Parishes continue to pay 12.5% of their Sunday collection plates to the archdiocese, according to a 2018 deposition from Father John Daniel, who at the time worked in archdiocese administration. Parish payments provided the vast majority of the archdiocese’s $6 million annual income, with the payments checked by auditors who report to Salgado, according to the deposition, which was taken as part of a sex abuse suit prior to the bankruptcy.

relates to Catholic Church Shields $2 Billion in Assets to Limit Abuse Payouts
A roadside cross in Española.PHOTOGRAPHER: WILLIAM LEGOULLON FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
The largest bankruptcy settlement from an archdiocese came in the Chapter 11 filing of St. Paul and Minneapolis. The smallest was in Milwaukee.

When the Archdiocese of St. Paul and Minneapolis filed for bankruptcy in 2015, it said it didn’t own the parishes, the schools, or the 10 cemeteries within its territory. “They took a paintbrush and went to every cemetery and painted over the name ‘Archdiocese of St. Paul-Minneapolis,’ ” Jeff Anderson, a lawyer who represented abuse victims in that bankruptcy, said in a news conference at the time. Church leaders, claiming they’d fully disclosed all assets and cooperated with the bankruptcy court, said the archdiocese owned assets worth less than $50 million; lawyers for victims said the number was closer to $1.7 billion. The court never reached a consensus, but about 450 people got a total of $210 million—an average of about $467,000 each. Some of it came from church assets and some from insurance.

In Milwaukee, then-Archbishop Timothy Dolan sent a letter to the Vatican in 2007 asking for permission to shift almost $57 million into a trust fund earmarked for maintaining cemeteries. The letter appeared to acknowledge that the purpose of the move was to shield the assets. “By transferring these assets to the Trust, I foresee an approved protection from any legal claim and liability,” Dolan wrote. The Vatican approved the transfer, levying a tax of $100 for itself without explaining why. When Milwaukee’s church leaders declared bankruptcy four years later—Dolan was by then cardinal of New York—they claimed assets of $10 million to $50 million. Victims’ lawyers didn’t make their own estimate, but they fought successfully to include the cemetery trust in the estate’s assets. After a nearly five-year fight in which the Milwaukee archdiocese tried to get virtually all of the claims dismissed by a judge, about 350 victims got an average of $60,000 each.

relates to Catholic Church Shields $2 Billion in Assets to Limit Abuse Payouts
Parishes continue to pay 12.5% of their Sunday collection plates to the archdiocese, according to a 2018 deposition.PHOTOGRAPHER: WILLIAM LEGOULLON FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
As a very rough guide, an archdiocese in bankruptcy will settle with clergy abuse victims for roughly half the value of its estate. If the Santa Fe archdiocese settles for half the value of the $49 million it says it owns, the 375 victims will each get roughly $65,000, about one-fifth of the $300,000 they would get if the arch­diocese hadn’t taken $176 million off its ledger.

The difference matters. Victims of childhood sexual abuse face increased mental and physical health problems and lower lifetime earnings. The cost to a victim can be more than $280,000 over a lifetime, according to a 2018 study by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. (The school is supported by Michael Bloomberg, founder and majority owner of Bloomberg LP, the owner of Businessweek.)

High rates of poverty and devout obedience to local priests left some New Mexico children particularly vulnerable. Mary, who asked that her full name not be used to protect her privacy, lives in Las Vegas, N.M. She says she was raped by Sabine Griego, a priest at Our Lady of Sorrows when she was 10. Griego pleaded not guilty to eight counts of child sex abuse and has a jury trial scheduled for June. The archdiocese has settled with at least 30 people who said he abused them as children, according to the Albuquerque Journal. Mary isn’t among them, but she’s listed as a creditor in the bankruptcy. The public defender representing Griego says the priest maintains his innocence.

The area around Our Lady is poor, with ramshackle trailers and yards full of junked cars, shopping carts, and firewood. Now 51, Mary lives not far from Our Lady in a home with a tall fence, a surveillance camera, and three pit bulls. “I’ll probably be seeing a therapist for the rest of my life,” she says. “What amount of money is going to give me my life back?”

Isaac Casados, another creditor, grew up in the small town of Española wanting to be a priest. Casados says that when he was a 10-year-old altar boy, fresh off his first communion at Holy Cross Catholic Church, Father Marvin Archuleta molested him. Archuleta was charged in February with raping a first-grade boy at Holy Cross in the mid-’80s; a jury trial is slated to begin in January. His lawyer denies that allegation and those of Casados.

Living now in Santa Fe, where he owns a small medical technology company, Casados, 38, suffered in the decade after he was abused from alcoholism and depression. He says he attempted suicide. “Money would have helped me find the resources to rectify the internal issues I was dealing with,” he says. After decades of listening to sermons about responsibility and honesty, he views the archdiocese’s financial restructuring as hypocritical. “They teach us not to lie,” he says. “Why are they willing to lie about their assets?”


Multiple victims’ lawyers say the Vatican guides the dioceses in both their financial reorganization and their positions regarding settlements. “All financial decisions, all strategic decisions, all decisions are made by the Vatican,” says Anderson, who’s represented clergy sex abuse victims for 37 years. “I’m in constant communication with lawyers who represent churches, and I know they are in touch with the Vatican.” John Manly, a lawyer who’s represented victims in 15 church bankruptcies, says he’s been in settlement negotiations in which bishops have told him they’re in touch with the Holy See. “I’ve had bishops say, ‘I can’t do this without Vatican permission,’ ” Manly says.

In late December, in a nod toward greater transparency, Pope Francis abolished the “pontifical secrecy” rule, which church officials had used to withhold information about sexual abuse from civil authorities. The Vatican didn’t respond to a request for comment for this story. A spokeswoman for the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops wrote in response to questions, “A decision on whether to seek Chapter 11 protection in a given case is the diocese’s alone.”

The Archdiocese of Santa Fe and victims’ lawyers started court-ordered mediation in September. Every church bankruptcy so far has ended in a settlement, but the aggressiveness of the archdiocese’s asset shielding has increased the possibility that there won’t be one this time.

At a court hearing in early December, the federal judge overseeing the case asked Stang if he was satisfied with how the mediation was going. The lawyer would only say he was committed to attending the next session, which is scheduled for early February. “A solution at present still appears elusive, and progress is slow,” the mediator wrote in a December progress report. Church leaders and lawyers across the country are watching the negotiations for guidance on how to approach their own potential bankruptcies.

If the archdiocese refuses to budge on its asset pool, then victims could refuse to settle, says Paul Linnenburger, another lawyer who represents clergy abuse victims. If that happens, there’s a risk for the archdiocese that the judge could lift the shield protecting it from lawsuits. That would open it up to trials and the possibility of enormous jury awards. Other possible scenarios include the archdiocese dragging out the fight until exhausted victims agree to a low settlement, as they did in Milwaukee, or the judge assigning an outside financial expert to untangle the archdiocese’s accounting and pressuring church leaders into a more generous settle­ment, as happened in San Diego.

relates to Catholic Church Shields $2 Billion in Assets to Limit Abuse Payouts
A display of crosses in Chimayo outside Española.PHOTOGRAPHER: WILLIAM LEGOULLON FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
However the fight in New Mexico concludes, nobody can bring new cases against the archdiocese for clergy abuse that happened before the bankruptcy. Many victims didn’t come forward in time to make the June deadline, say victims’ lawyers. “That will leave out a significant portion of people who are still too ashamed, too wounded, too fearful to come forward,” says Robert Weisz, a Santa Fe psychologist who’s treated clergy abuse victims for 15 years.

That doesn’t mean the archdiocese will necessarily be done with the issue. Hector Balderas, New Mexico’s attorney general, is disturbed about the arch­diocese’s history of paying off victims and making them sign nondisclosure agreements to stay silent. In late 2018 his office demanded personnel and financial records related to clergy abuse, and his agents served search warrants at archdiocese headquarters. The investigation is ongoing, and Elsaesser says the archdiocese is cooperating.

One focus of the probe is whether church leaders paid off individuals to preserve their ability to raise money, Balderas says. He’s disturbed by church leaders who may have prioritized the wealth of the archdiocese over making victims whole. “The bankruptcy code should not be used to revictimize victims,” says Balderas, himself a former altar boy. “They are really just trying to shield assets.”

Voting is beautiful, be beautiful ~ vote.©

Monday, January 6, 2020

"Who Pays The Piper Plays The Tune" - Putin On FARA, Internet, Justice & Propaganda

Even Maria Butina was smeared, but she is free to tell her tale of U.S. Justice System.

Who is the original source?

Follow the money.

"We see you, Trollie Trolls."

Voting is beautiful, be beautiful ~ vote.©

Friday, December 27, 2019

Michigan Audit On Bureau Of Elections - Will State Lobbying Registration Be Held Accountable The Same As FARA?

The Audit did not address the validity of elections, but the integrity of the Qualified Voter Files (QVF), effectiveness of access to controls of the QVF Refresh System, training of election officials, and compliance to Campaign Finance Act, Lobbyist, Lobbying Agents and Lobbying Activities Act (LLALAA) and Casino Interest Registration Act (CIRA).

It seems the Public Interest lawsuit against Janice Winfrey may be just another psyoptic because the Audit has reported that voters with no birth date were flagged with the date of 5-5-1850, with the oldest age of 122 years.

These electors were not deceased, but did not have a date of birth due to a lack of Driver License Files cross references.

Many township and city clerks were not certified.

The part which intrigued me the most was the lack of oversight of the lobbyist system because I want to know if these the same state standards of accountability in state registration are going to be applied in the same fashion as FARA, like the case with Mike Flynn and Bijan Kian.

The report did not address state meshed databases with th e Secretary of State and local property tax records, which are sold to third parties like Lexis Nexis, where the data are highly toxic, being really corrupt using maiden names and wrong property address descriptions.


Michigan’s Bureau of Elections failed to implement proper controls over the state’s file of 7.5 million qualified voters, a discrepancy that allowed an unauthorized user to access the file and increased the risk of an ineligible elector voting in Michigan, according to a recent report from the Office of Auditor General. 

Elections officials lack proper training in more than 14% of counties, cities and townships, the audit found. And the bureau did not make timely reviews for a majority of campaign statements, lobby reports and campaign finance complaints.

The audit conducted between Oct. 1, 2016, and April 30, 2019, found in the qualified voter file “230 registered electors who had an age that was greater than 122 years, the oldest officially documented person to ever live,” according to the Friday report.

The reviewed information fell largely under the tenure of Republican former Secretary of State Ruth Johnson. Democratic Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson took office Jan. 1. 

The audit did not review the implementation of Proposals 2 and 3, which were passed by voters in November 2018. The proposals change how political lines are drawn and allow no-reason absentee voting. 

The bureau, which falls under the Secretary of State’s purview, had 35 employees at the end of fiscal year 2018 and spent $24.6 million that year.

The bureau has begun to address some of the areas in the report and will continue to make improvements through 2020, according to Jake Rollow, a spokesman for Benson.

Among those changes are adding the state's first election security specialists, expanded risk-limit audits and future implementation of recommendations from the election security advisory committee. 

"Our elections are secure — the audit did not find any instances of illegal voting or improper modification of voter registration records — and the Bureau of Elections is continually updating its election security infrastructure," Rollow said in a statement. 

Despite the reportable and material conditions it noted, the audit found the Bureau of Elections largely was "sufficient" when it came to maintaining the integrity of the voter file, training election officials and complying with the Campaign Finance Act, and was "moderately effective" in applying access controls over the qualified voter file system.

The bureau agreed to make changes to address the four conditions noted by the audit, one of which included incomplete election training among election officials in 12 counties, 38 cities and 290 townships. 

The bureau noted that those numbers largely include those who have not completed continuing education, while participation in initial accreditation programs remains “extremely high.”

The bureau agreed to explore more controls over the qualified voter file but noted there wasn’t “a single verified case that an ineligible person voted” among the cases reviewed by the auditor. 

Officials said further investigation was needed on the 230 individuals identified by the audit to confirm their birth dates, noting that the discrepancy might be a result of a system the bureau uses to identify information it needed to investigate further.

“Individuals with no recorded date of birth have been deliberately coded with an implausible birth date (such as 5/5/1850) to more clearly indicate records needing further follow-up,” the report said.
The unauthorized user was a former employee, the bureau said, but there was no modification or destruction of records in the qualified voter file in the period reviewed.

The bureau also agreed to work with local election officials to avoid clerical errors in voter history, but noted that since Michigan is a decentralized system “this is legally a local — note state — responsibility.”

The audit found the Bureau of Elections did not provide timely reviews of 79% of campaign statements, 42% of lobby reports and 67% of campaign finance complaints selected for the audit. 
The bureau said it will continue to work to meet the five-day complaint response window and the 10-day lobby report window, but said it could not “realistically meet” the four-day window to review campaign statements. 

The bureau “indicated that it will work to seek staffing increases that would allow for full review within the timeframes required, as well as a possible legislative change to lengthen the four-day review requirement,” the report said.


Voting is beautiful, be beautiful ~ vote.©

Sunday, December 8, 2019

Meet Ali "Akbar" Alexander, The Sacrificial Political Operative & His Expertise On The Michigan 2016 Election With Cernovich

https://www.projectveritas.exposed/ali-akbar-alexander
Wow.

I guess Ali is coming to Detroit.

Meet Ali "Akbar" Alexander.

Jack Dorsey Thinks Fringe Figure Ali Akbar Makes ‘Interesting Points’

Ali is contradicting the federal election reports of social media interference.

That is quite ballsy.

Wow.

Ali has no idea of what he is getting himself into so this is going to be fun.

Trump's political campaigns were foreign corporations, not registered with FEC, so Ali is admitting to a federal crime, possibly FARA violations?

Wow.

Keep on testifying, Ali.

Tell it all.

https://www.facebook.com/TheAliAlexander/

Gabe Hoffman has legal actions against Ali.



They are talking about the 2016 election. 

Ali is telling us, as a political expert, about how Trump won Michigan.

We must definitely invite Ali to bear witness.

Ali wants to write a book.

That is what they all do when aspiring to ascend the ladder of running paid psyoptics, or rather just paid lying.

Calling it lying is a much more palatable, masticated concept of propaganda to swallow.

Ali packages what is called "influencers", which is just a fancy name for an operative who is willing to engage in nefarious online activities to interfere in elections, like what Ali is talking about of what he did in the 2016 election.

Mueller is probably loving this, but, hey, what do I know?

I know Mike Cernovich has yet to answer the magic questions: "Who gave you those forged, confidential, classified, congressional documents and how much did you make?"

Watch Cernovich sacrifice Ali to the Celestial Goddess of the Woodshed because I would expect nothing less from him.

Do your thing, Mikey.

I am kind of digging on the operative talk show.

#SpiesLivesMatter

Voting is beautiful, be beautiful ~ vote.©

Thursday, December 5, 2019

DOJ: The Kleptocracy Initiative - Foreign Corrupt Practices Act To End Stealin' The Children, Land & Votes

I want to see the asset recovery operations for Detroit.


Assistant Attorney General Brian A. Benczkowski Delivers Remarks at the American Conference Institute’s 36th International Conference on the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act



National HarborMD
 ~
Wednesday, December 4, 2019
Remarks as Prepared for Delivery
Good morning, and thank you, Rachel for that kind introduction.
It is an honor and privilege to address this year’s ACI Conference on the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.  Although there are many excellent legal conferences throughout the year, this one always stands out because of the quality of the speakers and the deep substantive focus on foreign bribery investigations and prosecutions. 
I am particularly pleased to be here at this time, given that the Criminal Division has seen remarkable prosecution activity and case developments in the FCPA space over the past year.   
So far in 2019, the Criminal Division’s FCPA Unit has publicly announced more charges against individuals [34] than in any other year in history.  It has also publicly announced more guilty pleas by individuals [30] than ever before.  
This number of individual prosecutions in 2019 is not an outlier or a statistical anomaly.  Rather, it is part of the Department’s continued dedication to holding individual wrongdoers accountable across the board. 
Indeed, this year’s record number of individual FCPA charges and guilty pleas builds on 2017 and 2018, which were previously the two biggest years for those categories of cases.  
Building cases against individuals takes time and resources, even more so when those individuals assert their trial rights. 
And yet, these overall individual prosecution numbers (charges and pleas) have been generated in a year in which our prosecutors also have been very busy at trial. 
So far in 2019, the FCPA Unit has equaled its annual high-water mark for trials ending in conviction. 
Yet, our work prosecuting individual wrongdoers has not impacted our efforts to police corporate FCPA cases.  By the end of this week, the FCPA Unit will have resolved seven corporate cases with criminal resolutions in 2019, as well as two additional cases that were resolved via declinations with disgorgement under the FCPA Corporate Enforcement Policy. 
These corporate resolutions – including one to be announced later this week – collectively represent the largest amount ever recovered by the DOJ in FCPA cases in a single year ($1.6B versus the previous high in 2016 of $1.3B), and a total of $2.8 billion recovered globally through coordinated resolutions.
In addition to its efforts under the FCPA, the Criminal Division also pursues foreign corruption through money laundering enforcement and asset forfeiture.  The Division’s Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative is a prime example of that enforcement. 
Administered through our Money Laundering and Asset Recovery Section (MLARS), prosecutors, analysts and agents investigate and prosecute acts of high-level foreign corruption – such as embezzlement and money laundering – that affect the U.S. financial system.
The Section also brings asset recovery actions to seize and forfeit the proceeds of foreign official corruption in which, as appropriate, the proceeds are returned for the benefit of the foreign citizens that were victimized by that greed. 
The success of the Kleptocracy Initiative was on full display in 2019, as it reached a historic settlement of its civil forfeiture cases against assets acquired by Low Taek Jho, known to all as Jho Low.
Jho Low allegedly used funds misappropriated from 1MDB, Malaysia’s investment development fund, and laundered them through financial institutions in several jurisdictions, including the United States, Switzerland, Singapore and Luxembourg. 
Low then allegedly engaged in extravagant spending sprees, acquiring valuable artwork, real estate, airplanes, yachts, and sports cars, all while gambling freely at casinos, and enjoying what any observer would call a lavish lifestyle. 
The terms of this settlement are striking, especially when considered alongside the Division’s prior disposition of related forfeiture cases.  In all, the United States will have recovered or assisted in the recovery of more than $1 billion in assets associated with the IMDB scheme.
That remarkable sum represents not only the largest recovery to date under the Kleptocracy Initiative, but also the largest civil forfeiture ever concluded by the Justice Department.  And we did so by working closely with our able counterparts in the United States Attorney’s Office in Los Angeles, who also contributed extensively to this effort. 
These prosecution numbers and case achievements in foreign corruption matters are in line with the overall trend of white collar enforcement in the Criminal Division. 
So far this year, the Fraud Section has brought charges against more than 440 individuals, which is an all-time high that will only increase through the close of the year. 
And by the end of this week, the Section will have reached 16 corporate criminal resolutions this year. 
With these numbers in mind, it is fair to say that reports of the death of white collar enforcement at the Department are grossly exaggerated.
In citing the achievements of the past year, I would be remiss if I didn’t give credit where the credit is truly due – to the career prosecutors, law enforcement agents, and supervisors who have worked tirelessly over the past months and years to build and prosecute these cases. 
I also want to recognize a changing of the guard that happened over the last year.  The former head of the FCPA Unit, Dan Kahn, was promoted to Senior Deputy Chief of the Fraud Section. 
Over the last decade, Dan moved up steadily within the FCPA Unit, starting as a line Trial Attorney, then becoming an Assistant Unit Chief, and finally being promoted to head the FCPA Unit three years ago. 
Under Dan’s leadership, the Unit has prosecuted a record number of individuals, recovered billions of dollars in monetary penalties, and launched groundbreaking policy reforms.  I am very grateful that Dan was willing to bring his well-honed legal skills, keen judgement, and even-keeled temperament to Fraud’s front office, where his talents will be brought to bear to benefit the entire Section, not just our FCPA program.
Dan leaves behind big shoes to fill.  The new head of the FCPA Unit is Chris Cestaro, a longtime veteran prosecutor and supervisor within the Unit.  Chris is a thoughtful leader and dedicated public servant. 
He has worked alongside Dan for many years, and I am confident that the FCPA Unit will continue to thrive under his excellent leadership.
For many years, conferences like this one have taken on outsized importance because there was so little case law that developed around the FCPA. 
Companies typically resolved matters through negotiation, and individuals were historically not prosecuted as vigorously as they are today.  And the Department was less transparent about how it reached the results it did.
As I’ve noted, the Department’s focus on individual accountability has led to more individual prosecutions.  Correspondingly, those prosecutions are now yielding jury trials and actual FCPA case law. 
At the rate we are going, in another ten years, the FCPA section in white collar crime textbooks will be chock full of judicial opinions with which to challenge law students via the Socratic method.
I want to highlight one such case, the prosecution and recent trial victory against Lawrence Hoskins.  As many of you likely recall, the Hoskins case earlier involved a consequential appeal and decision by the Second Circuit. 
I won’t go through that decision here – it has been fully debated and, indeed, I am told there was a mock oral argument about the case on this stage just two years ago. 
Instead, I want to talk about a different aspect of our case that has received a significant amount of attention.  Namely the Department’s use of agency liability to prosecute Mr. Hoskins for violating the FCPA.
Before getting into that discussion, let me provide a very brief summary of the Hoskins case for the small handful of you here who might be unfamiliar with it.  In doing so, I realize this is a very specialized conference and deeply knowledgeable audience, so this is a bit like summarizing Hamlet at a Shakespeare convention. 
Lawrence Hoskins is a U.K. national, who was employed at a European subsidiary of Alstom S.A., and served as a senior vice president of the International Network division of the company. 
He was convicted last month of helping to carry out a massive bribery scheme to obtain a $118 million contract from a state-owned utility in Indonesia. 
And this is the part that matters in particular for my remarks today on agency:  He participated in this bribery scheme to secure the contract for Alstom’s U.S. subsidiary, Alstom Power, Inc., as well as another partner on the project. 
Another important detail is that Hoskins never personally took any of his actions related to the bribery conduct within the United States.
The government’s prosecution theory, which resulted in the conviction, was that Hoskins violated the anti-bribery provisions of the FCPA through his actions as an agent of Alstom Power, Inc., a U.S. domestic concern. 
Some observers have raised concerns about how the Department might pursue agency-based FCPA cases after Hoskins.  I hope to dispel some of those concerns today.
First, it is important to keep in mind that each of the FCPA’s three jurisdictional components reach conduct by “any officer, director, employee, or agent” of entities covered by those provisions.  This has been black letter statutory law for more than two decades. 
Accordingly, the use of agency principles in FCPA prosecutions is far from controversial, whether applied to the Act’s issuer provisions (15 U.S.C. § 78dd-1), domestic concern provisions (15 U.S.C. § 78dd-2), or U.S. territorial conduct provisions (15 U.S.C. § 78dd-3).  Indeed, in its decision last year, the Second Circuit wrote that the government’s agency theory of prosecution was “squarely within the terms of the statute.”  That is something with which I wholeheartedly I agree.
With that said, some of the concerns that have been voiced are not lost on me.  Not too long ago, I was a lawyer in private practice.  I know that the hardest questions to answer aren’t the ones that fall “squarely within the terms of the statute[,]” but those at the outer edges.
I want to be clear today that the Department is not looking to stretch the bounds of agency principles beyond recognition, or even push the FCPA statute towards its outer edges. 
For example, the Criminal Division will not suddenly be taking the position that every subsidiary, joint venture, or affiliate is an “agent” of the parent company simply by virtue of ownership status.  Conversely, we will also not be taking the position that every parent company should automatically be held liable for the acts of its subsidiaries, joint ventures, or affiliates based on an agency theory.  Simply put, the law requires more.
Each case and application of agency liability will need to be evaluated on its own and be based on a provable facts that align with agency principles. 
In this regard, the district court’s jury instruction in Hoskins is, well, instructive.  There, the jury was called upon to evaluate Hoskins’ conduct to look for proof of an agency relationship and control by the principal. 
Additionally, the court made clear that a person or entity may be an agent for some business purposes and not for others.  This meant that the government needed to prove that Hoskins was an agent of a domestic concern in connection with the specific events related to the project at issue. 
Before pursuing an FCPA case based on an agency theory, whether as to an individual or a company, the Department will need to measure the facts against the legal standard articulated by the court.  And our prosecutors will need to be confident that their evidence will be able to carry the government’s burden of proof at trial.  These are no small things. 
Aside from the law, the Department and its prosecutors must always exercise appropriate prosecutorial discretion. 
Where the evidence supports a finding of agency between a parent and a subsidiary, or for an individual, we will assess whether it is appropriate to exercise our discretion to apply the principle in that case. 
In exercising that discretion, our prosecutors will look to the factors they consider in every case under the Department’s Principles of Federal Prosecution of Business Organizations, as well as under the FCPA Corporate Enforcement Policy. 
Those factors are ones that are familiar to everyone in this room – the nature and seriousness of the offense, the pervasiveness and involvement of high-level executives in the misconduct, and whether the company voluntarily disclosed the misconduct, fully cooperated, and took timely and appropriately remedial actions. 
That said, I want to be very clear on one important point:  if the Department were to find evidence of the use of corporate structures to shield a parent from criminal liability, or the use of agents to shield a high-level individual executive from accountability, the Department likely would strongly favor prosecution in those instances. 
My remarks today regarding agency are intended to provide a window into the Department’s thinking and approach to cases.  Although many aspects of prosecutors’ work must be kept confidential, there is no need for there to be a black box around the principles and policies that guide our decisions. 
I actually believe a black box approach can stand in the way of the Department’s goals and mission.
For example, it is not in the Criminal Division’s interest to be opaque about the factors we want our prosecutors to consider when evaluating corporate compliance programs.  We want the corporate community to invest heavily in compliance, and do so efficiently and effectively. 
Strong corporate compliance programs and cultures not only detect misconduct, but they can also have a strong deterrent effect on those who might be tempted to violate laws or corporate policies.  These by-products of strong compliance align with the Criminal Division’s goals and mission.   
Nonetheless, you can imagine a company that is considering an investment in improved control systems to augment other aspects of its compliance program.  The new controls may flag misconduct that has previously gone undetected, giving rise to a greater sense of legal exposure – or at least known legal exposure. 
This sense of increased risk may then create resistance to the project from within the company. An important compliance program improvement is then never undertaken, and certain misconduct then goes unchecked, unless and until the Department happens upon it.  That is not the outcome we want.
Our policies need to be designed and communicated in a way that helps companies trust they are making the right investments.  It has been my goal since I arrived to foster and increase that trust, and I think the Department and the Criminal Division have made great strides in that regard. 
In publishing the Criminal Division’s compliance evaluation guidance earlier this year, we sought to convey to the bar and the corporate community that we place a significant value on compliance program investment and improvement, and that we will approach compliance program evaluation in a thoughtful way that is guided by much more than 20/20 hindsight. 
We reinforced the guidance through enhanced compliance training for our prosecutors, giving them a more sophisticated understanding of compliance program design and the challenges to effective implementation.  And that training will continue.
Through our monitorship selection policy, we have encouraged companies to make strong remedial investments in their compliance programs after misconduct is discovered by signaling through the policy that such investments will weigh against the imposition of a monitor.
And the Department’s improved voluntary self-disclosure guidance and policy against piling-on speak to the risk that an improved compliance program may ferret out otherwise unseen misconduct.  The FCPA Corporate Enforcement Policy lets companies know that, if a problem is discovered, there is a means for self-disclosing it in a way that mitigates risk in concrete ways.  
The piling-on policy seeks to contain risk in other ways, helping to foster greater trust that companies will be treated fairly, if a problem is detected. 
In speaking about our policies, I use the word “trust” for a reason.  Whether our policies are designed to incentivize or deter certain behaviors, or to pull back the veil to demystify processes or clear away confusion, they can only be effective if they are trusted. 
For that reason, the Criminal Division will continue to demonstrate our adherence to and application of our policies by our actions, including in press statements, public resolution documents, and program-related declinations.  After all, in law as in life, actions speak louder than words.
As we all know, policies can be changed at the drop of a hat by successive Department leaders and successive Administrations.  But good policies tend to survive beyond the tenures of those who helped make them, and they can serve as building blocks for further refinement.
I hope that is what we have been doing in this space for the last few years – making worthwhile refinements to existing policies and developing our own building blocks for the future. 
Time will tell whether this work will endure, and conferences like this exist in large measure for experts like you to help us understand whether we are going in the right direction.     
Thank you for your time and attention this morning, and I look forward to further dialogue on these important issues, including in the Q and A that will follow.
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