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| "TEVA, anyone?", said Herrington, the Super Secret Agent Whistleblower. |
Yes, John Ratcliffe is leaving Congress, the U.S. Judiciary Committee, to become the new Director of National Intelligence, replacing Dan Coats, to work with U.S. Attorney Bill Barr.
Yes, they make the perfect team because this is about trafficking tiny humans.
For those who do not remember, or simply do not like to click the links I provide to review what I have been presenting, here is a fun video on Ratcliffe and his work in trafficking tiny humans.
You can see how effective Ratcliffe was when it came to trafficking tiny humans by watching Gowdy's lovely facial expressions.
Trey knows all the stuff.
Trump’s spy chief pick, Texan John Ratcliffe, accused of fudging role in 'Holy Land' terrorism case
WASHINGTON -- The North Texas Republican picked by President Donald Trump to be America's next intelligence chief is grappling with reports that he embellished his role in a high-profile anti-terrorism case he's cited as proof of his national security bona fides.
At issue is the extent of Heath Rep. John Ratcliffe's involvement as a federal prosecutor in the U.S. vs. Holy Land Foundation case, which ended in 2009 with officials at a Texas-based charity being found guilty of funneling money to the terrorist group known as Hamas.
While Ratcliffe has touted that he "convicted individuals" involved in the scheme, ABC News and NBC News this week cast doubt on that account.
Jim Jacks, one of the Holy Land case's lead prosecutors, also told The Dallas Morning News on Tuesday that Ratcliffe "wasn't part of the trial team or the investigative team." Asked if it was accurate to say that Ratcliffe "convicted individuals" in the case, he said, "No."
In response to those reports, Ratcliffe spokeswoman Rachel Stephens clarified this week that the Texan, while serving as U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Texas, was appointed to investigate issues related to the mistrial that occurred in the case's first trial.
"Because that investigation did not result in any criminal charges, it would not be in accordance with Department of Justice policies to make further details public," she said, confirming a written statement provided to ABC News and NBC News.
Jacks, a former U.S. attorney in the Northern District of Texas, confirmed that depiction, explaining that Ratcliffe was "appointed to look into a collateral matter after the first trial" and that the assignment lasted for a "relatively short-lived period of time."
He added that he found Ratcliffe to be "very smart, a very good lawyer, just first-rate."
The dispute over the Holy Land case is no mere résumé dispute.
Ratcliffe, a three-term lawmaker, was already facing criticism that he lacks the experience to be Director of National Intelligence, given that outgoing spy chief Dan Coats and his predecessors came into the job with extensive national security and foreign affairs backgrounds.
That dynamic, along with Ratcliffe's standing as a Trump loyalist, could jeopardize his confirmation in the GOP-run Senate.
Some key Republican senators have so far offered muted reactions, with a few admitting that they were simply unfamiliar with the Texan's credentials. Some top Senate Democrats have already weighed in against Ratcliffe's nomination, casting him as a partisan warrior unfit for the job.
"Mr. Ratcliffe appears to be somebody who is more interested in pleasing Donald Trump," John Brennan, CIA director under President Barack Obama and a frequent Trump critic, said this week on MSNBC.
Stephens rejected those criticisms, pointing to Ratcliffe's experience as a federal prosecutor and then as a congressman serving on the House intelligence and judiciary committees.
"Ratcliffe opened, managed and supervised numerous domestic and international terrorism related cases," she said of his time in the U.S. attorney's office, adding that he "handled top secret, secret and confidential national security information as part of his daily responsibilities."
The Texan's allies have also defended his qualifications.
Texas Sen. John Cornyn on Monday called Ratcliffe a "worthy successor" to Coats, upon whom he heaped praise. Trump on Tuesday hailed Ratcliffe as a "very talented guy. "And former U.S. attorney Matt Orwig, who hired Ratcliffe, said he was "imminently qualified."
Orwig sought to further buttress Ratcliffe's standing by telling ABC News that his one-time protégé worked several terrorism-related cases, though he declined to specify them.
The former top prosecutor in the Eastern District of Texas also told The News that when Ratcliffe served as his anti-terrorism and national security chief, he worked to "bring together all the state, federal and local agencies" involved in security efforts.
"That's the job that he did," Orwig said. "He did it very, very well."
Just a naming coincidence, I am sure.
Federal Judge Hands Downs Sentences in Holy Land Foundation Case
Holy Land Foundation and Leaders Convicted on Providing Material Support to Hamas Terrorist Organization
Holy Land Foundation and Leaders Convicted on Providing Material Support to Hamas Terrorist Organization
Today, in federal court in Dallas, U.S. District Judge Jorge A. Solis sentenced the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development (HLF) and five of its leaders following their convictions by a federal jury in November 2008 on charges of providing material support to Hamas, a designated foreign terrorist organization.
"Today's sentences mark the culmination of many years of painstaking investigative and prosecutorial work at the federal, state and local levels. All those involved in this landmark case deserve our thanks," said David Kris, Assistant Attorney General for National Security. "These sentences should serve as a strong warning to anyone who knowingly provides financial support to terrorists under the guise of humanitarian relief."
HLF was incorporated by Shukri Abu Baker, Mohammad El-Mezain, and Ghassan Elashi. Mufid Abdulqader and Abdulrahman Odeh worked as fund raisers. Together, with others, they provided material support to the Hamas movement.
Shukri Abu Baker, 50, of Garland, Texas, was sentenced to a total of 65 years in prison. He was convicted of 10 counts of conspiracy to provide, and the provision of, material support to a designated foreign terrorist organization; 11 counts of conspiracy to provide, and the provision of, funds, goods and services to a Specially Designated Terrorist; 10 counts of conspiracy to commit, and the commission of, money laundering; one count of conspiracy to impede and impair the Internal Revenue Service (IRS); and one count of filing a false tax return.
Mohammad El-Mezain, 55, of San Diego, California, was sentenced to the statutory maximum of 15 years in prison. He was convicted on one count of conspiracy to provide material support to a designated foreign terrorist organization.
Ghassan Elashi, 55, of Richardson, Texas, was sentenced to a total of 65 years in prison. He was convicted on the same counts as Abu Baker, and one additional count of filing a false tax return.
Mufid Abdulqader, 49, of Richardson, Texas, was sentenced to a total of 20 years in prison. He was convicted on one count of conspiracy to provide material support to a designated foreign terrorist organization, one count of conspiracy to provide goods, funds, and services to a specially designated terrorist, and one count of conspiracy to commit money laundering.
Abdulrahman Odeh, 49, of Patterson, New Jersey, was sentenced to 15 years in prison. He was convicted on the same counts as Abdulqader.
HLF, now defunct, was convicted on10 counts of conspiracy to provide, and the provision of, material support to a designated foreign terrorist organization; 11 counts of conspiracy to provide, and the provision of, funds, goods and services to a Specially Designated Terrorist; and 10 counts of conspiracy to commit, and the commission of, money laundering.
The Court reaffirmed the jury’s $12.4 million money judgment against all the defendants, with the exception of El Mezain, who was not convicted of money laundering.
From its inception, HLF existed to support Hamas. Before HLF was designed as a Specially Designated Terrorist by the Treasury Department and shut down in December 2001, it was the largest U.S. Muslim charity. It was based in Richardson, Texas, a Dallas suburb. The "material support statute," as it is commonly referred to, was enacted in 1996 as part of the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act. That statute recognizes that money is fungible, and that money in the hands of a terrorist organization — even if for so called charitable purposes — supports that organization’s overall terrorist objectives.
The government presented evidence at trial that, as the U.S. began to scrutinize individuals and entities in the U.S. who were raising funds for terrorist groups in the mid-1990s, the HLF intentionally hid its financial support for Hamas behind the guise of charitable donations. HLF and these five defendants provided approximately $12.4 million in support to Hamas and its goal of creating an Islamic Palestinian state by eliminating the State of Israel through violent jihad.
The government’s case included testimony that in the early 1990's, Hamas’ parent organization, the Muslim Brotherhood, planned to establish a network of organizations in the U.S. to spread a militant Islamist message and raise money for Hamas. The government’s case also included testimony about Hamas material found in zakat committees. The defendants sent HLF-raised funds to Hamas-controlled zakat committees and charitable societies in the West Bank and Gaza. Zakat is an Arabic word referring to the religious obligation to give alms.
HLF became the chief fundraising arm for the Palestine Committee in the U.S. created by the Muslim Brotherhood to support Hamas. According to a wiretap of a 1993 Palestine Committee meeting in Philadelphia, former HLF President and CEO Shukri Abu Baker, spoke about playing down their Hamas ties in order to keep raising money in the U.S. Another wiretapped phone call included Abdulrahman Odeh, HLF’s New Jersey representative, referring to a suicide bombing as "a beautiful operation."
The government also presented evidence that several HLF defendants have family members who are Hamas leaders, including Hamas’ political chief, Mousa Abu Marzook, who is married to a cousin of Ghassan Elashi, HLF’s former Chairman of the Board. Ghassan Elashi, who also served as the vice-president of marketing for Infocom Corporation, is currently serving an 80-month sentence following his conviction on several charges related to export violations. Mohammed El-Mezain was HLF’s Director of Endowments and Mufid Abdulqater was a major HLF fundraiser. Two named defendants, Akram Mishal and Haitham Maghawri are fugitives.
The defendants provided financial support to the families of Hamas martyrs, detainees, and activists knowing and intending that such assistance would support the Hamas terrorist organization. Since 1995, when it first became illegal to provide financial support to Hamas, HLF provided approximately $12.4 million in funding to Hamas through various Hamas-affiliated committees and organizations located in Palestinian-controlled areas and elsewhere.
During trial, the government also presented evidence that HLF was so concerned about investigators uncovering the group’s intentions that they kept a manual entitled "The Foundation’s Policies and Procedures." HLF followed various security procedures outlined in the manual to include hiring a security company to search the HLF for listening devices, ordering defendant Haitham Maghawri, a fugitive, to take training on advanced methods in detecting wiretaps, shredding documents after board meetings, and maintaining incriminating documents in off-site locations.
The case was investigated by the Joint Terrorism Task Force, involving agents from federal, state, and local agencies including: FBI, IRS - Criminal Investigation, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Department of State, U.S. Secret Service, U.S. Army Criminal Investigation Division, the Texas Department of Public Safety, and the Dallas, Plano, Garland and Richardson, Texas, Police Departments. In addition, the Department of Justice Criminal Division’s Asset Forfeiture and Money Laundering Section provided assistance.
The case was prosecuted by James T. Jacks, acting U.S. Attorney; Barry Jonas, Trial Attorney for the Department of Justice Counter-terrorism Section; and Elizabeth J. Shapiro, Deputy Director, Federal Programs Branch, Department of Justice, serving as a Special Assistant U.S. Attorney.
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