Dearest Rochelle,
At this point in your life, I do not believe you are capable of descending any further into the ranks of ethical depravity.
Why are you bearing false witness in the public record, as a public official of the City of Detroit?
Did you tell City Council that you were going to be promulgating published child welfare propaganda, as an act of personal inurement, by promoting your
segregational, bleachbitted book, about to come out next year, through a public university, Wayne State University, to further privatization?
Rochelle,
precious, are you not aware of the genus of this entire Mueller Investigation?
I do pray your response is in the form of a tale of an affirmative defense, because the only other, plausible explanation you can provide to the people, as to why you used your public office to advertise your anti-ammalgamationist narrative to perversely infect the annals of history by reducing the legacy of My Sweetie down to the latest round of talking points memo, is that you are a co-conspirator of the coup.
He represented everyone, not just
your #coloredrevolution army of greedy, blackhearted souls who perpetuate the residuals of the peculiar institution for any kind of pecuniary interests they can conjure up in a fake ass Public Private Partnership, like the Detroit Land Bank Authority, and all those other
wonderful child welfare foreign corporations
stealin' the children, land & votes.
Dare I mention that you neglected his history on impeachment, a core component of Voting Rights?
I have a much, deeper level of respect for the work of Nolan Finley over your actions of election interference, simply for the fact that he has no shame to his game, because
his trolling generates hits for The Detroit News, a great marketing technique for a private corporation.
Rochelle,
love, you are a public official.
This means you took an oath of office.
You cannot use your office to be mean to my Sweetie.
That gives me the Saddy Face because you breached the children's trust.
What also gives me great pause in filing a formal complaint against you to the City Inspector General for Ethics violation, is to only reinforce my position that you are just a vile creature, in the realms of
Jeanine Pirro.
To begin, are you aware of
My Sweetie's history in the establishment of Ethics, or his history in the administrative structuring of DOJ, FBI and the OIG?
Of course, not, those are not in your talking points.
Since you are promoting yourself as an expert in making miscengenation fashionable, again,
for the purposes of the congress to obviate for Her Flatulent Boviness, Sheila Jackson Lee, spokestoken of the new and improved #coloredrevolution reparations economic reinvestment, Detroit - U.S. Marshall Fund, just because they stole all the TARP, I thought this a great transitional moment to illuminate the reasons why I am going to label you a "co-conspirator".
How come you made no mention of
#MeToo, a major component of the legacy of Conyers?
Is this not a violation of civil rights to due process, or were you explicitly instructed not to mention anything about what you know, due to pending scheduling for you to your act of contrition in an attestation in the public square...or a court of law, but hey, what do I know?
I know nothing because you kept to the talking points when cranking out this distractionary indicator of another #coloredrevolution psyoptic.
Are you that crass that you would masticate your paid interpretation of what you wish to interject in the educational curriculum of our schools by failing to mention that due process is the edifice of the rights of a civil society in your omission of the two
Ethics Investigation Referrals to the U.S. Department of Justice, which were completed quite some time ago?
That is quite bold because he denied the allegations and you do not consider this a major part of history.
I know for a fact that you said nothing about the
Michigan Emergency Manager, Detroit Bankruptcy, Detroit Grand Bargain, or the Detroit Land Bank Authority, because if you did, you would have to speak upon Voting Rights, as this is dealing with gerrymandering.
You may even have to say my name, but you did not, which means you excrete the crap of child welfare propaganda.
What about his work on
FISA,
FARA, or are these your
naughty talking points you are not supposed to reference?
I am going to stop, here.
I do not want to spoil the show.
You suck, Rochelle, because you are a child welfare propagandist, furthering the
stealin' of the children, land & vote.
John Conyers: One of the Last of the Civil Rights Warriors
1929-2019
By ROCHELLE RILEY
Rochelle Riley, a longtime newspaper columnist, is director of arts, culture and entertainment for the City of Detroit. She is author of The Burden: African Americans and the Enduring Impact of Slavery and the young readers anthology That They Lived: Twenty African Americans Who Changed the World (Wayne State University Press, 2020).
The school that birthed the lions is closing. And its alumni are dying.
That school was the Civil Rights Movement, the heartbreaking fight for equal rights for black Americans that took up most of the 1950s and 1960s. Its classrooms were the streets of myriad urban centers and stubborn Southern strongholds, where brave young warriors faced off against America’s longest-serving tradition: bigotry.
Those warriors changed America. Some preached. Some taught. Most marched. But some, like the late U.S. Representative John Conyers were born to lead.
Conyers—a war veteran who earned his law degree after serving in the Michigan National Guard, the U.S. Army, the U.S. Army Reserves and a year in Korea during the Korean War—jumped feet-first into the movement. As a young lawyer, he worked with the National Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law and with some of Detroit’s labor unions. In 1964, he won his first congressional race, hiring civil rights legend Rosa Parks to work in his Detroit office.
He went on to win 25 more times.
While in Congress, Conyers made achieving racial equality his primary mission. He co-founded the Congressional Black Caucus. He was, as the Nation put it after his death, the “only African American member of the House Judiciary Committee during the crucial debates about strengthening the Voting Rights Act.” Days after Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was fatally shot on April 4, 1968, in Memphis, Conyers proposed a national celebration of his birthday. It took him and the indomitable Representative Shirley Chisolm until 1983 to win that battle, when President Ronald Reagan signed the bill for what is now a federal holiday honoring King.
Conyers learned the ropes from fellow Michigan Representative John Dingell, whose record congressional longevity he nearly matched. Conyers, at the time of his death in October, had become the longest-serving African American representative, completing nearly 26 terms.
As momentous and heartbreaking as his death was for his constituents, his family and his friends, Conyers’ passing also signaled the passing of something far greater: the movement that gave him his start and his heart, that fueled his passion and that of so many others. Conyers, who was born four months before the stock market crashed in 1929 and who was a witness to nearly every major American news event for almost a century, was one of the last of the civil rights warriors. He represents a kind of leader that doesn’t really exist anymore, no matter how many pretenders try to match it. He was a man of the streets who became a man of Congress—who was still a man of the streets. Revered in his hometown, Conyers knew nearly everyone. And if he didn’t know you, he made you feel like he did.
People still talk about that time—back when segregation was a legal way of life in Detroit and the mistreatment of black folks finally pushed a city over the edge—that Conyers stood on top of a car. It was July 23, 1967, and the beginnings of a melee that arguably has been called a riot, rebellion, demonstration or reckoning. As the Detroit News recounted 50 years later, when the trouble started, the phone rang at Conyers’ house on Dexter Avenue. An aide told the 38-year-old second-term congressman that the Fire Department was calling for him to come to the corner of 12th Street and Clairmount Avenue.
Conyers went. Why would he not? That is what lions do. He was there for his people, but he was too late. He went to that street corner teeming with angry Detroiters, and he hopped onto a car in an attempt to be seen and heard above the fray. But he could not staunch the anger of so many who had been ignored or beaten down for so long. The crowd shouted him down. But he didn’t get angry. He understood.
“I was telling them this was not going to settle anything by getting mad and looting and having arguments with one another,” Conyers told the News as if that half-century were just a week ago. “They were fed up with the discrimination, segregation and all that goes along with it,” he said. “It was like they just couldn’t take it any longer, and collectively, it was like a fuse was blown. It was a dangerous thing because they didn’t care what happened.”
The crowd shouted him down that day, but it was a rare occurrence. He was beloved by his constituents who watched him introduce bill after bill, unapologetically, to help African-Americans and the poor, who had few others to carry their concerns. He called for health care for all Americans decades before President Barack Obama did, and he sponsored the United States National Health Care Act. He fiercely opposed the Vietnam War, which sent countless African American men into a senseless battle, and he fought against the death penalty, which was applied unjustly to more African American men than white.
No issue was more important to him than the study of reparations for the forced enslavement of African Americans. He introduced and reintroduced legislation seeking to study the issue—for three decades. That Congress and presidential candidates are now finally talking more seriously about reparations is a testament to Conyers and to the school that birthed him.
In the end, Conyers was once again in the spotlight—not atop a car but facing allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied; nonetheless, he resigned in 2017. But unlike the first time, when he was ignored, his constituents largely rallied around him. My hope was that such a storied career wouldn’t end in tatters.
It didn’t. And for those of us watching the sun setting on the lions of the Civil Rights movement, it was a hard good-bye. Conyers died 10 years shy of a century that he helped shape. Barring another movement, another seismic shift in the fight to end second-class citizenship in America, there won’t be more like him.
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